In Mozambique special units were also used by the Portuguese Armed Forces: The Organization of African Unity (OAU) was founded May 1963. [9][10][11] This migration is regarded as one of the largest peaceful migrations in the world's history. In 1974, the FRELIMO launched mortar attacks against Vila Pery (now Chimoio), an important city and the first (and only) heavy populated area to be hit by the FRELIMO. These categories were renamed to 1st, 2nd and 3rd class in 1960 - which effectively corresponded to the same categories. Coelho noted that perceptions of African soldiers varied a good deal among senior Portuguese commanders during the conflict in Angola, Guinea and Mozambique. Rebel forces also made extensive use of machine guns for ambush and positional defense. Another factor was internecine struggles between three competing revolutionary movements - (FNLA, MPLA, and UNITA) - and their guerrilla armies. situated in the "hot" warzone (Guinea, Tete Province in Mozambique or eastern Angola). These changes resulted in a tightening of Portuguese control in Angola. As the war went on, an increasing number of native Africans served as noncommissioned or commissioned officers by the 1970s, including such officers as Captain (later Lt. Excursions traveled ever farther inland to procure captives that were sold by African rulers; the primary source of these slaves were those captured as a result of losing a war or inter-ethnic skirmish with other African tribes. With the outbreak of World War I in 1914, Portugal sent reinforcements to both colonies, because the fighting in the neighboring German African colonies was expected to spill over the borders into its territories. Similar scenarios would play out in other overseas Portuguese territories. The insurgents called for local Bantu farmworkers and villagers to join them, unleashing an orgy of violence and destruction. The end of the war came with the Carnation Revolution military coup of April 1974. [65] The branch stores of the Companhia União Fabril (CUF), Mario Lima Whanon, and Manuel Pinto Brandão companies were seized and inventoried by the PAIGC in the areas they controlled, while the use of Portuguese currency in the areas under guerrilla control was banned. Defensive operations, where soldiers were dispersed in small numbers to guard critical buildings, farms, or infrastructure were particularly devastating to the regular Portuguese infantry, who became vulnerable to guerrilla attacks outside of populated areas by the forces of the PAIGC. 12 (1971): As late as 1971, Kaúlza argued that the Portuguese government should tailor the social and political status progress of black Africans in Angola and Mozambique to the growth of the white settler population, while concluding that "blacks are not highly intelligent, on the contrary, of all peoples of the world they are the least intelligent.". In 1961 the Portuguese had 79,000 in arms – 58,000 in the Army, 8,500 in the Navy and 12,500 in the Air force (Cann, 1997). Colonel) Marcelino da Mata, a black Portuguese citizen born of Guinean parents who rose from a first sergeant in a road engineering unit to a commander in the Comandos Africanos. The communist candidates had, obviously, the same positions. Therefore, it had to accede to views that didn't reflect its true anticolonial position. In the ex-colonies, officers suspected of sympathizing with the prior regime, even black officers, such as Captain Marcelino da Mata, were imprisoned and tortured, while African soldiers who had served in native Portuguese Army units were forced to petition for Portuguese citizenship or else face reprisals from their former enemies in Angola, Guinea, or Mozambique. By the early 1970s, the Portuguese Colonial War raged on, consuming fully 40 percent of Portugal's annual budget. A hotly disputed issue, the Gordian Knot Operation was considered by several historians and military strategists as a failure that worsened the situation for the Portuguese. During the latter part of the 1960s, military tactical reforms instituted by Gen. Spínola began to improve Portuguese counterinsurgency operations in Guinea. On November 16 of the same year, the Portuguese troops suffered their first losses fighting in the north of the territory, in the region of Xilama. The Colonial War established a split between the military structure – heavily influenced by the western powers with democratic governments – and the political power of the regime. Portuguese Response. The prevalent Portuguese and international historical approach considers the Portuguese Colonial War as was perceived at the time: a single conflict fought in three separate theaters of operations: Angola, Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique (sometimes including the 1954 Indian Annexation of Dadra and Nagar Haveli and 1961 Indian Annexation of Goa) rather than a number of separate conflicts as the emergent African countries aided each other during the war. The United Nations passed several resolutions condemning cross-border attacks of the Portuguese military against the PAIGC guerrilla bases in both neighboring Guinea-Conakry and Senegal, like the United Nations Security Council Resolution 290, United Nations Security Council Resolution 294 and the United Nations Security Council Resolution 295. South African military operations proved to be of significant assistance to Portuguese military forces in Angola, who sometimes referred to their South African counter-insurgent counterparts as primos (cousins). Portuguese Military Victory in Angola and Mozambique; Militarily stalemate in Guinea-Bissau Portugal 148,000 European Portuguese regular troops 40,000–60,000 guerrillas[3][circular reference] +30,000 in Angola[3][circular reference] The Portuguese Colonial War (Portuguese: Guerra Colonial Portuguesa Some analysts see the "Botelho Moniz coup" of 1961 (also known as A Abrilada) against the Portuguese government and backed by the U.S. administration,[25] as the beginning of this rupture, the origin of a lapse on the part of the regime to keep up a unique command center, an armed force prepared for threats of conflict in the colonies. After the electoral fraud of 1958, Humberto Delgado formed the Independent National Movement (Movimento Nacional Independente – MNI) that, in October 1960, agreed that there was a need to prepare the people in the colonies, before giving them the right of self-determination. Strategy also played a role, as a successful hearts and minds campaign led by General Francisco da Costa Gomes helped blunt the influence of the various revolutionary movements. The new governments of Angola and Mozambique, faced a severe set of challenges as devastating civil wars broke out in both countries. This "NATO generation" ascended quickly to the highest political positions and military command without having to provide evidence of loyalty to the regime. In our talks with [Angolan President Agostinho] Neto we stressed the absolute necessity of achieving a level of economic development comparable to what had existed under [Portuguese] colonialism. By the end of the conflict in 1974, due to the Carnation Revolution (a military coup in Lisbon), the total in the Portuguese Armed Forceshad risen to 217,000. 1961–1974 armed conflicts in Africa between Portugal and independence movements, Multiethnic societies, competing ideologies, and armed conflict in Portuguese Africa, Role of the Organisation of African Unity. After 1961, with the beginning of the colonial wars in its overseas territories, Portugal began to incorporate black Portuguese Africans into integrated units as part of the war effort in Angola, Portuguese Guinea, and Mozambique, based on concepts of multi-racialism and preservation of the empire. Some Portuguese soldiers decapitated rebels and impaled their heads on stakes, pursuing a policy of "an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth". Tetteh Hormeku – Programme Officer with Third World Network's Africa Secretariat in Accra, Third World Resurgence No.89, January 1998, A «GUERRA» 3º Episódio – «Violência do lado Português». After World War II and the first decolonization events, this system gradually declined. Reviewed Work(s): Counterinsurgency in Africa. This oral history of ex-combatants of the Portuguese colonial war places the reader face-to-face with the men who were conscripted to fight the last and bloodiest of the West’s colonial wars in Africa, namely in Angola, Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau (then Portuguese Guinea), between 1961 and 1974. After 1974, the deterioration in central planning effectiveness, economic development and growth, security, education and health system efficiency, was rampant. These movements alleged that Portuguese policies and development plans were primarily designed by the ruling authorities for the benefit of the territories' ethnic Portuguese population at the expense of local tribal control, the development of native communities, and the majority of the indigenous population, who suffered both state-sponsored discrimination and enormous social pressure to comply with government policies largely imposed from Lisbon. However, the m/951 12.7mm (.50 caliber) U.S. M2 Browning heavy machine gun was used in ground and vehicle mounts, as were 60mm, 81mm, and later, 120mm mortars. In response, Portuguese Armed Forces instituted a harsh policy of reciprocity by torturing and massacring rebels and protesters. The revolt later became known as the Carnation Revolution. At the time Portugal was in effective control of little more than the coastal strip of both Angola and Mozambique, but important inroads into the interior had been made since the first half of the 19th century. In an effort to intercept infiltrators, the Fuzileiros even manned small patrol craft on Lake Malawi. One role was that of a communist party with an anti-colonialist position; the other role was to be a cohesive force drawing together a broad spectrum of opposing parties. This project seeks to answer the following questions: how has the public memory of this colonial conflict developed in … [21] In 1914, both Angola and Mozambique had Portuguese army garrisons of around 2,000 men, African troops led by European officers. Slavery had officially ended in Portuguese Africa, but the plantations were worked on a system of paid serfdom by African labour composed of the large majority of ethnic Africans who did not have resources to pay Portuguese taxes and were considered unemployed by the authorities. The insurgents attacked farms, government outposts, and trading centers, killing everyone they encountered, including women, children and newborns. Even amphibious mines were used such as the PDM, along with numerous home-made antipersonnel wood box mines and other nonmetallic explosive devices. Abstract. After 1964, the OAU recognized PAIGC as the legitimate representatives of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde and in 1965 recognised FRELIMO for Mozambique. [65] In order to maintain the economy in the liberated territories, the PAIGC established its own administrative and governmental bureaucracy at an early stage, which organized agricultural production, educated PAIGC farmworkers on how to protect crops from destruction from aerial attack by the Portuguese Air Force, and opened armazens do povo (people's stores) to supply urgently needed tools and supplies in exchange for agricultural produce.[65]. It quickly started moving south in the direction of Meponda and Mandimba, linking to Tete with the aid of Malawi. [86] The average Angolan or Mozambican rebel could easily transport 150 7.62×39mm cartridges (five 30-round magazines) on his person during bush operations, compared to 100 7.62×51mm rounds (five 20-round magazines) typically carried by a Portuguese infantryman on patrol. [46][66], After the Carnation Revolution military coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974, the new revolutionary leaders of Portugal and the PAIGC signed an accord in Algiers, Algeria in which Portugal agreed to remove all troops by the end of October and to officially recognize the Republic of Guinea-Bissau government controlled by the PAIGC, on 26 August 1974 and after a series of diplomatic meetings. In Angola, construction of a railway from Luanda to Malanje, in the fertile highlands, was started in 1885.[20]. [74] However, quantities of the 7.62×51mm FN and Belgian G1 FAL battle rifle, known as the m/962, were also issued; the FAL was a favored weapon of members serving in elite commando units such as the Caçadores Especiais. Devastating civil wars followed in Angola and Mozambique, which lasted several decades, claimed millions of lives, and resulted in large numbers of displaced refugees. In this region, unlike Guinea, the trade remained largely in Portuguese hands. [7] By 1973, the war had become increasingly unpopular due to its length and financial costs, the worsening of diplomatic relations with other United Nations members, and the role it had always played as a factor of perpetuation of the entrenched Estado Novo regime and the non-democratic status quo. The authors were linked to the Patriotic Action Councils (Juntas de Acção Patriótica – JAP), supporters of Humberto Delgado, and responsible for the attack on the barracks of Beja. For most of the conflict, the three rebel groups spent as much time fighting each other as they did fighting the Portuguese. Similar actions quickly spread across the entire colony, requiring a strong response from the Portuguese forces. [citation needed]. The BR, on its side, began armed actions on 7 November 1971, with the sabotage of the NATO base at Pinhal de Armeiro, the last action being carried out 9 April 1974, against the Niassa ship which was preparing to leave Lisboa with troops to be deployed in Portuguese Guinea. The students that participated in this underground opposition faced serious consequences if caught by the PIDE – from immediate arrest to automatic conscription into a combat branch (infantry, marines, etc.) While the human losses were relatively small, the war as whole had already entered its second decade. [52] Nevertheless, the costs of continuing the wars in Africa imposed a heavy burden on Portugal's resources; by the 1970s, the country was spending 40 per cent of its annual budget on the war effort. Anti-aircraft (AA) weapons were also employed, especially by the PAIGC and the FRELIMO. Strict qualification criteria ensured that less than one per cent of black Mozambicans became full Portuguese citizens.[33]. However, being the only truly organized opposition movement, the PCP had to play two roles. Century Empire. [citation needed]. The official feeling of the Portuguese state, despite all this, was the same: Portugal had inalienable and legitimate rights over the colonies and this was what was transmitted through the media and through the state propaganda. Instead, after a coup led by pro-U.S. forces failed to depose him, Salazar consolidated power and immediately sent reinforcements to the overseas territories, setting the stage for continued conflict in Angola. During … 23, Sterling, MP 40, MAT-49 submachine gun operation. [94], By 1975, Portugal had converted to a democratic government. Portugal had been the first European power to establish a colony in Africa when it captured Ceuta in 1415 and now it was one of the last to leave. The first of these was the African Commandos (Comandos Africanos), consisting of a battalion of commandos composed entirely of black soldiers (including the officers). This situation caused, as would be verified later, a lack of coordination between the three general staffs (Army, Air Force and Navy). 558 of the Portuguese army makes references to violent actions, also in Cabo Delgado, on August 21, 1964. The former Portuguese territories in Africa became sovereign states, with Agostinho Neto in Angola, Samora Machel in Mozambique, Luís Cabral in Guinea-Bissau, Manuel Pinto da Costa in São Tomé and Príncipe, and Aristides Pereira in Cape Verde as the heads of state. While Portuguese forces had all but won the guerrilla war in Angola, and had stalemated FRELIMO in Mozambique, colonial forces were forced on the defensive in Guinea, where PAIGC forces had carved out a large area of the rural countryside under effective insurgent control, using Soviet-supplied AA cannon and ground-to-air missiles to protect their encampments from attack by Portuguese air assets. Other aircraft were employed: for air support the T-6 Texan, the F-86 Sabre and the Fiat G.91 were used, along with a quantity of B-26 Invaders covertly acquired in 1965; for reconnaissance the Dornier Do 27 was employed. The OAU also took action in order to promote the international acknowledgment of the legitimacy of the Revolutionary Government of Angola in Exile (GRAE), composed by the FNLA. Cotonang, a company owned by Portuguese, British and German investors, used native Africans to produce an annual cotton crop for export abroad. 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